However, on the question of Poland`s post-war status, the hostility and mistrust between the United States and the Soviet Union, which would characterize the Cold War, was most evident. Soviet troops already had control of Poland, a pro-communist provisional government had already been formed and Stalin insisted that Russia`s interests be recognized in that nation. The United States and Great Britain believed that the Polish government in exile, based in London, was the most representative of the Polish people. The final agreement called only for the formation of a government in Poland “broader than the public”. Free elections were called to determine Poland`s future for the future. Many U.S. officials were outraged by the agreement, which they said made Poland a communist future. Roosevelt felt however that there was nothing he could do at the moment, since the Soviet army occupied Poland. The agreement calls on the signatories to “deliberate together on the measures necessary to fulfil the common responsibilities defined in this declaration.” During the discussions on Yalta, Molotov added language that weakens the implication of the application of the declaration.  The three heads of state and government ratified the agreement of the European Advisory Commission, which defined the limits of post-war zones of occupation for Germany: three zones of occupation, one for each of the three main allies. They also agreed to give France an area of occupation that was cut off from the areas of the United States and the United Kingdom, although De Gaulle later refused to accept that the French zone be defined by borders defined in his absence. De Gaulle therefore ordered the French forces to occupy Stuttgart in addition to the previously agreed areas, which included the French zone of occupation.
He only withdrew when he threatened to suspend most of the U.S. economic supply.  Churchill, at Yalta, argued at the time that the French must necessarily be full members of the proposed Allied Control Council for Germany. Stalin opposed it until Roosevelt supported Churchill`s position, but Stalin insisted that the French would not be admitted to the Allied Reparation Commission, which was to be set up in Moscow, and yielded only to the Potsdam conference. “We now increasingly agree on the important facts of the time,” Brzezinski added, “although we still disagree on their implications.” With regard to Poland, the yalta report adds that the provisional government should “be obliged to hold free and unimpeded elections as soon as possible, on the basis of universal suffrage and secret ballot”.  The agreement could not mask the importance of adhering to the short-term pro-Soviet control of the Lublin government and eliminating the language that requires supervised elections.  The Soviets, led by Oleg T. Bogomolov of the Soviet Academy of Sciences, implicitly admitted that the Kremlin had violated the Yalta agreement`s promise to secure free elections in the six nations – Poland, East Germany, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria – which became Soviet buffers from the Baltic to the Aegean Sea. The final agreement stipulated that “the provisional government currently working in Poland should therefore be reorganized on a broader democratic basis, including Polish and Polish democratic leaders abroad.”  Yalta`s language recognized the supremacy of the pro-Soviet Lublin government in a provisional government, albeit a reorganized one.  Churchill defended his action in Yalta during a three-day parliamentary debate that began on 27 February and ended with a vote of confidence.